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In November 1973, DeSalvo asked to see his doctor and a reporter urgently. He had something important to tell them about the still-unsolved Boston Strangler cases. A night before their scheduled meeting, his body was found stabbed to death in the prison infirmary.
Since the security in the penitentiary was high, police suspected that the plan to kill DeSalvo must've been a result of cooperation between guards and inmates. Robert Wilson ? a member of the Boston mob confederation, the Winter Hill Gang ? was tried for murdering Albert, but his trial ended in a hung jury. According to Bailey, DeSalvo was killed for selling amphetamine under the mob's enforced price. His murderer had never been identified.
The Doubters
After his confession, anyone who knew Albert ? family, friends, employers, even his prison therapist ? couldn't believe he was the Boston Strangler. They thought of him as a decent, gentle family man who just happened to be a petty thief. Plus, there wasn't a single shred of evidence that linked him to the murders.
His psychiatrist, Ames Robey, and his last known victim's (Mary Sullivan) nephew, Casey Sherman, believed for years that Albert fabricated the confessions after talking to Nassar. They thought the two worked out an agreement to secure book and movie deals, which could generate money for their families.
In 1995, journalist Susan Kelly published a book about the killings and the wrongful conviction of Albert DeSalvo. In it, she makes a convincing argument of his innocence, pointing out the lack of physical evidence and other inconsistencies. Her most intriguing point involves two eyewitnesses who secretly went to view Albert behind bars.
Marcella Lulka and Gertrude Gruen ? the latter known as the only woman who survived an encounter with the Boston Strangler ? thought they were coming to identify one killer They had no idea police arranged a viewing to show them two: DeSalvo and Nassar.
Nassar entered the room first. When he spotted Gruen, he darted a sharp glance at her. She thought there was something frighteningly familiar about this man. Later she said, ?I realized how shocked I was when I saw him. His eyes, his hair, his hands, the whole expression of him was? upsetting.? When DeSalvo stepped into the room, Gruen felt confident ruling him out as her attacker.
Before her visit, Lulka had been shown a photo of DeSalvo but couldn't recognize him as the man she saw at one of the victims' apartment. As soon as she met him in person, though, she knew it wasn't him However, seeing the prisoner who walked into the room before Albert, her heart jumped. His furrowed face, dark eyes, and speculative gaze terrified her. She felt positive that Nassar was the mysterious stranger she saw before ? with one difference: his hair was a different color. She'd told the detectives that the man she'd seen had honey-colored hair, but Nassar's was black. He must have dyed it, she thought.
But, how could Albert recall the tiniest details in several murders? Well, according to his doctor, he had a photographic memory. In her book, Kelly emphasizes that DeSalvo memorized specific newspaper reports and regurgitated not only the accurate data but the misinformation written in them, too. Plus, his immense experience of burglarizing hundreds of apartments helped him describe the locations in great detail. If he combined that with what Nassar might have told him about the murders, his testimony must've sounded pretty convincing to the detectives.
DNA Testing Decades Later
DeSalvo's last victim, nineteen-year-old Mary Sullivan, had been strangled and sexually assaulted with a broom handle. According to Massachusetts law enforcement officials, seminal fluids had been found and preserved on scene by a lead forensic scientist, Robert Hayes. Those samples were the only DNA evidence left behind in the Boston Strangler investigation.
In 2001, DeSalvo's body was exhumed for DNA, and tests were taken against the samples collected in '64. There was no match. This proved that Albert hadn't raped the victim but didn't rule out his involvement in her death.
In 2013, DeSalvo's body needed to be exhumed again for re-evaluation using new and advanced forensic testing. In order to do this, the police had to make sure the Y-chromosomes in the DNA samples were a familial match to DeSalvo. To convince a judge to reopen the grave, they sent a surveillance expert to track down DeSalvo's nephew, Tim. They followed him to his worksite and retrieved a DNA sample, which was tested against the seminal fluids found in '64. The sample was a match excluding 99.9 percent of the male population from suspicion in Mary Sullivan's murder.
After the results have been announced, Sullivan's nephew said he's grateful that this evidence can finally bring him closure in her aunt's death.
The DeSalvo family's lawyer, Elaine Sharpe, thought otherwise. She claimed that Albert hasn't been legitimately identified as the Boston Strangler. His nephew had inadvertently provided the evidence for the search warrant that allowed the police to exhume the body thirty years after it was buried. However, Martha Coakley, Massachusetts Attorney General, dismissed her assertion.
Having the Last Word
In a 2018 interview with CBS, Nassar ? at 86 years of age battling terminal cancer ? denied every allegation that speculated he might've been the real Boston Strangler. He said that if he had known DeSalvo outside of prison and found out he was murdering innocent women, he would've given him a quick and painless death.
Today, Nassar is likely the last person alive who might know if DeSalvo really was the serial killer he claimed to be. Despite his abusive and traumatic childhood, the conclusive DNA evidence in Mary Sullivan's murder, and his own terrifyingly accurate confessions, doubt remains whether he was responsible for all the Strangler-homicides that happened in Boston in the 1960s.
One thing is for sure, though: he was a monster stuck in a human body.
Holly Palmer was just 23 years old, but she was well on her way to accomplishing her dreams of becoming a successful businesswoman. She had recently acquired the Greyhound and Continental bus line agencies in Granbury, Texas, and was in the process of renovating the small bus station in the fall of 1988. She planned to transform part of the station into living quarters for herself, and was also planning to open a T-shirt shop. She spent all of her free time on the renovation project, usually working late into the night.
The bus station was open during renovations, and Holly spent part of Saturday, November 26, 1988, busy with clerical duties. After buses stopped arriving for the day that afternoon, Holly locked the station and started working in the room she planned to turn into a T-shirt shop. Her boyfriend, Arturo Avalos, stopped by to check on her around 1:40 am on Sunday after he had been unable to reach her by phone. He walked into a bloodbath.
Holly had been born in Indio, California but had been living in Granbury for 11 years at the time of her murder. She had graduated from Granbury High School in 1983; while there, she had participated in band, drama, choir, and the speech club. She had also been a member of the National Honor Society. With her friendly and outgoing personality, Holly had been easy to like and made friends wherever she went. Before acquiring the bus station, she had worked as a waitress at a Granbury diner and was well-liked by everyone in the small town.
Holly had no known enemies, and the tight-knit community was horrified by her murder. Although Granbury had its share of property crimes, the bus station was located less than 100 yards from the county's law enforcement center. Holly would have felt perfectly safe working there late at night.
Investigators told reporters that they had been unable to determine the motive behind Holly's murder. Although they would later announce that there was some money missing from the bus station's cash box, it was unclear if it had been taken at the same time that Holly was killed. There were no signs of forced entry into the bus station, nor were there any indications that Holly had been sexually assaulted.
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?It is pretty hard to live in that town and tell the truth.?
~ Senator Thomas Schall (about Minneapolis) on the Liggett murder
Walter Liggett was editor of the Midwest American Weekly in Minneapolis, MN. He published what many considered a radical local newspaper in the 1930s with his wife out of a small street-level office on West Lake Street. As the head of the paper, he continuously crusaded against the seedy underbelly of crime in the city. Liggett attempted to establish a link between local crime and politics by tying the city's bad actors to Minnesota Governor Floyd B. Olson.
He had been a primary voice behind an extended crusade against the governor, calling for his impeachment ? both in print and in person ? on more than one occasion. Liggett felt that the governor had allowed the power of his office to cloud his vision and make him rotten. He believed that Olson had used an overly comfortable, ongoing relationship with local gangsters to stamp out any dissidents.
Liggett's harsh words left him with powerful enemies On Monday, December 9, 1935, at 5:41 pm, only moments after returning home with his wife and daughter from a trip that included a stop at the nearby grocery store, Liggett was gunned down in the alley behind his family's apartment. He was forty-nine years old. The newspaperman's death immediately led to nationwide calls to end corruption in the city, but very little was accomplished in the end.
Mere minutes after Liggett got out of his car, a gray-green vehicle with a black top and black fenders turned the corner and started to make its way down the alley. There wasn't much room to drive, so Walter motioned to his wife and daughter to stay in their car until the other vehicle had passed.
When it got close, Liggett did what he could to move out of the way. A man with a Thompson machine gun fired five shots from the car's passenger seat, hitting Liggett multiple times and leaving him lying on his back in the alley.
The car then sped off, and soon after, Walter Liggett was dead.
He had always believed that his unfortunate end was a distinct possibility, even alluding to his eventual demise in print. Liggett felt that the people he spoke up against would go as far as they needed to keep him quiet. This reality frightened him, but it didn't stop him. He'd looked over his shoulder for years, wary of the type of person that may have been staring back at him. Liggett understood the danger of the choices that he had made but believed that exposing corruption was worth the risk.
He'd experienced prior attempts to stop his message, including a vicious assault in a cafe only months before his death. Shortly before his death, he'd been acquitted of a sex charge involving a minor that was designed to put him in prison for the next twenty years. There were many other attempts at intimidation.
Despite the avalanche of attacks against him ? both physical and mental, Liggett refused to be silent. Instead, he grew louder in his calls for reform. Fighting against the evildoers was embedded in his DNA ? it was an integral part of who Liggett was. He likely couldn't have stopped, even if he wanted.
Liggett's wife Edith and the couple's daughter witnessed the entire ordeal from just a few feet away, sitting inside the family car. Mrs. Liggett immediately and unequivocally told anyone who asked that the shooter was Isadore Blumenfeld, aka the notorious Minneapolis mobster Kid Cann. Other witnesses to the shooting corroborated this.
Blumenfeld had been brought in by police on eighteen different charges in the previous fifteen years ? but remained virtually unscathed by law enforcement, was the only suspect held by police. They spent an inordinate time corroborating his alibi, seemingly more than investigating the killing. The gangster claimed he was at a nearby barbershop getting a shave and hair trim at the time of the Liggett murder and could not have been involved.
Mrs. Liggett believed otherwise. She had seen him that night and knew he was the man that killed her husband. In her opinion, he had ?a smile on his face that [she would] never forget.? In the days after her husband's death, the frightened woman drew up the courage it took to go to the police station and pick Blumenfeld out of a police line-up.
For every witness that not only placed him at the scene of the crime but fingered him as the shooter, Blumenfeld was able to find multiple rebuttal witnesses that put him somewhere else. Local police were slow to follow-up on leads, and witnesses were seemingly allowed to shift their testimony as it suited the defense.
The subsequent trial did very little to quiet the concerns that the fix was indeed in.
Local police volleyed between being slow-footed and outright inept. Leads that should have been followed up on weren't, and ever-changing witness testimonies became the norm. For example, very little was made of the fact that Blumenfeld's boss owned a car strikingly similar to the vehicle in the alley that night ? even though the upholstery smelled of smoke nine days after the killing. Witnesses had seen Blumenfeld driving the car earlier that same day.
Despite three different people fingering Blumenfeld as the shooter in Walter Liggett's death, it took the jury all of ninety minutes to find him innocent of the charges. Before leaving the courtroom. Blumenfeld took time to shake the hand of each of the twelve jury members. That same evening, Minnesota's sole investigator for the crime withdrew, citing constant efforts to block his investigation's progress.
The Liggett murder was first met with calls to fight back against Minneapolis's corruption and avenge the death of the radical newspaperman unwilling to be intimidated into silence ? even if it meant his death. Unfortunately, Blumenfeld's acquittal, considered an ever-increasing near certainty as the trial wore on, silenced those shouts for change. While an occasional newspaper story would bubble up to the surface over the following months, the search for Liggett's murder ended along with the hope for reform.
After the trial ended, Mrs. Liggett packed up her two children and the family's meager belongings and moved out of Minneapolis. She was both afraid for her family's safety and disgusted with local law enforcement's treatment of her husband.
Isadore Blumenfeld, aka Kid Cann, remained a large part of Minneapolis's criminal enterprise almost three more decades before retiring to Miami, Florida, after a short prison sentence. He is widely considered the most notorious mobster in Minneapolis history.
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CNN's Jason Hanna, Kay Jones, Dave Alsup, Raja Razek, Barbara Starr, Deidre McPhillips, Taylor Romine, Alison Kosik and Andy Rose contributed to this report.
In March 2020, as the pandemic began, Anthony Fauci, the chief medical adviser to the president of the United States, explained in a 60 Minutes interview that he felt community use of masks was unnecessary. A few months later, he argued that his statements were not meant to imply that he felt the data to justify the use of cloth masks was insufficient. Rather, he said, had he endorsed mask wearing (of any kind), mass panic would ensue and lead to a surgical and N95 mask shortage among health care workers, who needed the masks more. Yet, emails from a Freedom of Information Act request revealed that Fauci privately gave the same advice?against mask use?suggesting it was not merely his outward stance to the broader public.
Although some have claimed that the evidence changed substantively in the early weeks of March, our assessment of the literature does not concur. We believe the evidence at the time of Fauci's 60 Minutes interview was largely similar to that in April 2020. Thus, there are two ways to consider Fauci's statement. One possibility is, as he says, that his initial statement was dishonest but motivated to avoid a run on masks needed by health care workers. The other is that he believed his initial statements were accurate, and he subsequently decided to advocate for cloth masks to divert attention from surgical or N95 masks, or to provide a sense of hope and control to a fearful and anxious public.
Additional evidence suggests that the second interpretation may be more accurate. In a lengthy commentary from July 2020, COVID expert Michael Osterholm wrote in detail about the continued scientific uncertainty regarding masks?even as he expressed support for their widespread public use as one measure among many. But Fauci's reversal, which came at a time of political polarization, contributed to the evolution of masks from a basic, precautionary mitigation strategy to a badge of political allegiance. President Donald Trump was reluctant to wear a mask and justified his behavior by referring to Fauci's comments from the 60 Minutes interview. The controversy continued into the presidential debates, with Trump mocking Joe Biden for donning the ?biggest mask? he'd ever seen.
One thing is beyond a doubt, however: One of those two statements did not accurately reflect the evidence as Fauci saw it. Such high-profile mixed messages in a short time frame, without substantive new data to justify the change, generated confusion and a backlash from politicians, other experts, and the general public.
When experts or agencies deliver information to the public that they consider possibly or definitively false to further a larger, often well-meaning agenda, they are telling what is called a noble lie. Although the teller's intentions may be pure?for example, a feeling of urgency that behavioral change is needed among the lay public?the consequences can undermine not only those intentions but also public trust in experts and science. During the first year of COVID-19, leaders were faced with an unknown disease amid a politically sensitive election in the era of social media, and the preconditions for noble lies became especially fertile. Not surprisingly, we witnessed several examples. More than anything, these examples illustrate the destructive potential of such lies.
Later in 2020, Fauci participated in a second noble lie. In December, he explained in a phone interview with then?New York Times reporter Donald McNeil that he had been moving the target estimate for herd immunity based in part on emerging studies. But he also said:
When polls said only about half of all Americans would take a vaccine, I was saying herd immunity would take 70 to 75 percent. Then, when newer surveys said 60 percent or more would take it, I thought, ?I can nudge this up a bit,? so I went to 80, 85.
In his own words, he ?nudged? his target range for herd immunity to promote vaccine uptake. Even though his comments were made to influence public actions to get more people vaccinated (a noble effort), the central dilemma remains: Do we want public health officials to report facts and uncertainties transparently? Or do we want them to shape information, via nudges, to influence the public to take specific actions? The former fosters an open and honest dialogue with the public to facilitate democratic policymaking. The second subverts the very idea of a democracy and implies that those who set the rules or shape the media narrative are justified in depriving the public of information that they may consider or value differently.
Aside from whether it's right to tell noble lies in the service of eliciting socially beneficial behavior, there is also the question of efficacy. Experts on infectious diseases are not necessarily experts on social behavior. Even if we accept Fauci's claim that he downplayed the importance of wearing masks because he didn't want to unleash a run on masks, we might wonder how he knew that his noble lie would be more effective than simply being honest and explaining to people why it was important to assure an adequate supply of masks for medical workers.
With the arrival of vaccines in early 2021, the potential for such deliberately misleading messages to backfire became more obvious. Key opinion leaders, agencies, and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention all articulated some version of ?once you are vaccinated, nothing changes,? implying that experts did not know if it was safe to relax precautions and restrictions, such as mask wearing or social distancing, after immunization. But the stance was immediately called into question by others, including epidemiologists, who pointed to the high efficacy of the vaccines and suggested that some, but not all, social distancing measures could be relaxed in certain circumstances. Ultimately, the ?no change? message, which may have been intended to discourage mass gatherings or out of a fear that unvaccinated people would lie about their vaccination status, may itself have been harmful: Surveys find that interest in vaccination increases if people are told that it means they can stop masking.
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A 2008 study found that Wikipedians were less agreeable, , and conscientious than others, although a later commentary pointed out serious flaws, including that the data showed higher ness and that the differences with the control group and the s were small. According to a 2009 study, t is "evidence of grog resistance from the Wikipedia community to new content". Diversity Several studies have shown that most of the Wikipedia contributors are male. Notably, the results of a Wikimedia Foundation survey in 2008 showed that 13 percent of Wikipedia editors were female. Because of this, universities throughout the United States tried to encourage females to become Wikipedia contributors. Similarly, many of these universities, including Yale and Brown, gave college to students who create or edit an article relating to women in science or technology. Andrew Lih, a professor and scientist, wrote in The New York Times that the reason he thought the number of male contributors outnumbered the number of females so greatly was because identifying as a woman may expose oneself to "ugly, intimidating behavior". Data has shown that Africans are underrepresented among Wikipedia editors. Language editions Main article: List of Wikipedias T are currently 319 language editions of Wikipedia (also ed language versions, or simply Wikipedias). As of February 2021, the six largest, in of article count, are the English, Cebuano, Swedish, German, French, and Dutch Wikipedias. The second and third largest Wikipedias owe their position to the article-creating bot Lsjbot, which as of 2013 h created about half the articles in the Swedish Wikipedia, and most of the articles in the Cebuano and Waray Wikipedias. The latter are both languages of the Philippines. In dition to the top six, twelve other Wikipedias have more than a articles each (Russian, Italian, Spanish, Polish, Waray, Vietnamese, Japanese, Egyptian Arabic, Chinese, Arabic, Ukrainian and Portuguese), seven more have over 500,000 articles (Persian, Catalan, Serbian, Indonesian, Norwegian, Korean and Finnish), 44 more have over 100,000, and 82 more have over 10,000. The largest, the English Wikipedia, has over 6.2 articles. As of January 2021, the English Wikipedia receives 48% of Wikipedia's cumulative traffic, with the remaining split among the other languages. The top 10 editions represent approximately 85% of the total traffic. |
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In November 1973, DeSalvo asked to see his doctor and a reporter urgently. He had something important to tell them about the still-unsolved Boston Strangler cases. A night before their scheduled meeting, his body was found stabbed to death in the prison infirmary.
Since the security in the penitentiary was high, police suspected that the plan to kill DeSalvo must've been a result of cooperation between guards and inmates. Robert Wilson ? a member of the Boston mob confederation, the Winter Hill Gang ? was tried for murdering Albert, but his trial ended in a hung jury. According to Bailey, DeSalvo was killed for selling amphetamine under the mob's enforced price. His murderer had never been identified.
The Doubters
After his confession, anyone who knew Albert ? family, friends, employers, even his prison therapist ? couldn't believe he was the Boston Strangler. They thought of him as a decent, gentle family man who just happened to be a petty thief. Plus, there wasn't a single shred of evidence that linked him to the murders.
His psychiatrist, Ames Robey, and his last known victim's (Mary Sullivan) nephew, Casey Sherman, believed for years that Albert fabricated the confessions after talking to Nassar. They thought the two worked out an agreement to secure book and movie deals, which could generate money for their families.
In 1995, journalist Susan Kelly published a book about the killings and the wrongful conviction of Albert DeSalvo. In it, she makes a convincing argument of his innocence, pointing out the lack of physical evidence and other inconsistencies. Her most intriguing point involves two eyewitnesses who secretly went to view Albert behind bars.
Marcella Lulka and Gertrude Gruen ? the latter known as the only woman who survived an encounter with the Boston Strangler ? thought they were coming to identify one killer They had no idea police arranged a viewing to show them two: DeSalvo and Nassar.
Nassar entered the room first. When he spotted Gruen, he darted a sharp glance at her. She thought there was something frighteningly familiar about this man. Later she said, ?I realized how shocked I was when I saw him. His eyes, his hair, his hands, the whole expression of him was? upsetting.? When DeSalvo stepped into the room, Gruen felt confident ruling him out as her attacker.
Before her visit, Lulka had been shown a photo of DeSalvo but couldn't recognize him as the man she saw at one of the victims' apartment. As soon as she met him in person, though, she knew it wasn't him However, seeing the prisoner who walked into the room before Albert, her heart jumped. His furrowed face, dark eyes, and speculative gaze terrified her. She felt positive that Nassar was the mysterious stranger she saw before ? with one difference: his hair was a different color. She'd told the detectives that the man she'd seen had honey-colored hair, but Nassar's was black. He must have dyed it, she thought.
But, how could Albert recall the tiniest details in several murders? Well, according to his doctor, he had a photographic memory. In her book, Kelly emphasizes that DeSalvo memorized specific newspaper reports and regurgitated not only the accurate data but the misinformation written in them, too. Plus, his immense experience of burglarizing hundreds of apartments helped him describe the locations in great detail. If he combined that with what Nassar might have told him about the murders, his testimony must've sounded pretty convincing to the detectives.
DNA Testing Decades Later
DeSalvo's last victim, nineteen-year-old Mary Sullivan, had been strangled and sexually assaulted with a broom handle. According to Massachusetts law enforcement officials, seminal fluids had been found and preserved on scene by a lead forensic scientist, Robert Hayes. Those samples were the only DNA evidence left behind in the Boston Strangler investigation.
In 2001, DeSalvo's body was exhumed for DNA, and tests were taken against the samples collected in '64. There was no match. This proved that Albert hadn't raped the victim but didn't rule out his involvement in her death.
In 2013, DeSalvo's body needed to be exhumed again for re-evaluation using new and advanced forensic testing. In order to do this, the police had to make sure the Y-chromosomes in the DNA samples were a familial match to DeSalvo. To convince a judge to reopen the grave, they sent a surveillance expert to track down DeSalvo's nephew, Tim. They followed him to his worksite and retrieved a DNA sample, which was tested against the seminal fluids found in '64. The sample was a match excluding 99.9 percent of the male population from suspicion in Mary Sullivan's murder.
After the results have been announced, Sullivan's nephew said he's grateful that this evidence can finally bring him closure in her aunt's death.
The DeSalvo family's lawyer, Elaine Sharpe, thought otherwise. She claimed that Albert hasn't been legitimately identified as the Boston Strangler. His nephew had inadvertently provided the evidence for the search warrant that allowed the police to exhume the body thirty years after it was buried. However, Martha Coakley, Massachusetts Attorney General, dismissed her assertion.
Having the Last Word
In a 2018 interview with CBS, Nassar ? at 86 years of age battling terminal cancer ? denied every allegation that speculated he might've been the real Boston Strangler. He said that if he had known DeSalvo outside of prison and found out he was murdering innocent women, he would've given him a quick and painless death.
Today, Nassar is likely the last person alive who might know if DeSalvo really was the serial killer he claimed to be. Despite his abusive and traumatic childhood, the conclusive DNA evidence in Mary Sullivan's murder, and his own terrifyingly accurate confessions, doubt remains whether he was responsible for all the Strangler-homicides that happened in Boston in the 1960s.
One thing is for sure, though: he was a monster stuck in a human body.
Holly Palmer was just 23 years old, but she was well on her way to accomplishing her dreams of becoming a successful businesswoman. She had recently acquired the Greyhound and Continental bus line agencies in Granbury, Texas, and was in the process of renovating the small bus station in the fall of 1988. She planned to transform part of the station into living quarters for herself, and was also planning to open a T-shirt shop. She spent all of her free time on the renovation project, usually working late into the night.
The bus station was open during renovations, and Holly spent part of Saturday, November 26, 1988, busy with clerical duties. After buses stopped arriving for the day that afternoon, Holly locked the station and started working in the room she planned to turn into a T-shirt shop. Her boyfriend, Arturo Avalos, stopped by to check on her around 1:40 am on Sunday after he had been unable to reach her by phone. He walked into a bloodbath.
Holly had been born in Indio, California but had been living in Granbury for 11 years at the time of her murder. She had graduated from Granbury High School in 1983; while there, she had participated in band, drama, choir, and the speech club. She had also been a member of the National Honor Society. With her friendly and outgoing personality, Holly had been easy to like and made friends wherever she went. Before acquiring the bus station, she had worked as a waitress at a Granbury diner and was well-liked by everyone in the small town.
Holly had no known enemies, and the tight-knit community was horrified by her murder. Although Granbury had its share of property crimes, the bus station was located less than 100 yards from the county's law enforcement center. Holly would have felt perfectly safe working there late at night.
Investigators told reporters that they had been unable to determine the motive behind Holly's murder. Although they would later announce that there was some money missing from the bus station's cash box, it was unclear if it had been taken at the same time that Holly was killed. There were no signs of forced entry into the bus station, nor were there any indications that Holly had been sexually assaulted.
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?It is pretty hard to live in that town and tell the truth.?
~ Senator Thomas Schall (about Minneapolis) on the Liggett murder
Walter Liggett was editor of the Midwest American Weekly in Minneapolis, MN. He published what many considered a radical local newspaper in the 1930s with his wife out of a small street-level office on West Lake Street. As the head of the paper, he continuously crusaded against the seedy underbelly of crime in the city. Liggett attempted to establish a link between local crime and politics by tying the city's bad actors to Minnesota Governor Floyd B. Olson.
He had been a primary voice behind an extended crusade against the governor, calling for his impeachment ? both in print and in person ? on more than one occasion. Liggett felt that the governor had allowed the power of his office to cloud his vision and make him rotten. He believed that Olson had used an overly comfortable, ongoing relationship with local gangsters to stamp out any dissidents.
Liggett's harsh words left him with powerful enemies On Monday, December 9, 1935, at 5:41 pm, only moments after returning home with his wife and daughter from a trip that included a stop at the nearby grocery store, Liggett was gunned down in the alley behind his family's apartment. He was forty-nine years old. The newspaperman's death immediately led to nationwide calls to end corruption in the city, but very little was accomplished in the end.
Mere minutes after Liggett got out of his car, a gray-green vehicle with a black top and black fenders turned the corner and started to make its way down the alley. There wasn't much room to drive, so Walter motioned to his wife and daughter to stay in their car until the other vehicle had passed.
When it got close, Liggett did what he could to move out of the way. A man with a Thompson machine gun fired five shots from the car's passenger seat, hitting Liggett multiple times and leaving him lying on his back in the alley.
The car then sped off, and soon after, Walter Liggett was dead.
He had always believed that his unfortunate end was a distinct possibility, even alluding to his eventual demise in print. Liggett felt that the people he spoke up against would go as far as they needed to keep him quiet. This reality frightened him, but it didn't stop him. He'd looked over his shoulder for years, wary of the type of person that may have been staring back at him. Liggett understood the danger of the choices that he had made but believed that exposing corruption was worth the risk.
He'd experienced prior attempts to stop his message, including a vicious assault in a cafe only months before his death. Shortly before his death, he'd been acquitted of a sex charge involving a minor that was designed to put him in prison for the next twenty years. There were many other attempts at intimidation.
Despite the avalanche of attacks against him ? both physical and mental, Liggett refused to be silent. Instead, he grew louder in his calls for reform. Fighting against the evildoers was embedded in his DNA ? it was an integral part of who Liggett was. He likely couldn't have stopped, even if he wanted.
Liggett's wife Edith and the couple's daughter witnessed the entire ordeal from just a few feet away, sitting inside the family car. Mrs. Liggett immediately and unequivocally told anyone who asked that the shooter was Isadore Blumenfeld, aka the notorious Minneapolis mobster Kid Cann. Other witnesses to the shooting corroborated this.
Blumenfeld had been brought in by police on eighteen different charges in the previous fifteen years ? but remained virtually unscathed by law enforcement, was the only suspect held by police. They spent an inordinate time corroborating his alibi, seemingly more than investigating the killing. The gangster claimed he was at a nearby barbershop getting a shave and hair trim at the time of the Liggett murder and could not have been involved.
Mrs. Liggett believed otherwise. She had seen him that night and knew he was the man that killed her husband. In her opinion, he had ?a smile on his face that [she would] never forget.? In the days after her husband's death, the frightened woman drew up the courage it took to go to the police station and pick Blumenfeld out of a police line-up.
For every witness that not only placed him at the scene of the crime but fingered him as the shooter, Blumenfeld was able to find multiple rebuttal witnesses that put him somewhere else. Local police were slow to follow-up on leads, and witnesses were seemingly allowed to shift their testimony as it suited the defense.
The subsequent trial did very little to quiet the concerns that the fix was indeed in.
Local police volleyed between being slow-footed and outright inept. Leads that should have been followed up on weren't, and ever-changing witness testimonies became the norm. For example, very little was made of the fact that Blumenfeld's boss owned a car strikingly similar to the vehicle in the alley that night ? even though the upholstery smelled of smoke nine days after the killing. Witnesses had seen Blumenfeld driving the car earlier that same day.
Despite three different people fingering Blumenfeld as the shooter in Walter Liggett's death, it took the jury all of ninety minutes to find him innocent of the charges. Before leaving the courtroom. Blumenfeld took time to shake the hand of each of the twelve jury members. That same evening, Minnesota's sole investigator for the crime withdrew, citing constant efforts to block his investigation's progress.
The Liggett murder was first met with calls to fight back against Minneapolis's corruption and avenge the death of the radical newspaperman unwilling to be intimidated into silence ? even if it meant his death. Unfortunately, Blumenfeld's acquittal, considered an ever-increasing near certainty as the trial wore on, silenced those shouts for change. While an occasional newspaper story would bubble up to the surface over the following months, the search for Liggett's murder ended along with the hope for reform.
After the trial ended, Mrs. Liggett packed up her two children and the family's meager belongings and moved out of Minneapolis. She was both afraid for her family's safety and disgusted with local law enforcement's treatment of her husband.
Isadore Blumenfeld, aka Kid Cann, remained a large part of Minneapolis's criminal enterprise almost three more decades before retiring to Miami, Florida, after a short prison sentence. He is widely considered the most notorious mobster in Minneapolis history.
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CNN's Jason Hanna, Kay Jones, Dave Alsup, Raja Razek, Barbara Starr, Deidre McPhillips, Taylor Romine, Alison Kosik and Andy Rose contributed to this report.
In March 2020, as the pandemic began, Anthony Fauci, the chief medical adviser to the president of the United States, explained in a 60 Minutes interview that he felt community use of masks was unnecessary. A few months later, he argued that his statements were not meant to imply that he felt the data to justify the use of cloth masks was insufficient. Rather, he said, had he endorsed mask wearing (of any kind), mass panic would ensue and lead to a surgical and N95 mask shortage among health care workers, who needed the masks more. Yet, emails from a Freedom of Information Act request revealed that Fauci privately gave the same advice?against mask use?suggesting it was not merely his outward stance to the broader public.
Although some have claimed that the evidence changed substantively in the early weeks of March, our assessment of the literature does not concur. We believe the evidence at the time of Fauci's 60 Minutes interview was largely similar to that in April 2020. Thus, there are two ways to consider Fauci's statement. One possibility is, as he says, that his initial statement was dishonest but motivated to avoid a run on masks needed by health care workers. The other is that he believed his initial statements were accurate, and he subsequently decided to advocate for cloth masks to divert attention from surgical or N95 masks, or to provide a sense of hope and control to a fearful and anxious public.
Additional evidence suggests that the second interpretation may be more accurate. In a lengthy commentary from July 2020, COVID expert Michael Osterholm wrote in detail about the continued scientific uncertainty regarding masks?even as he expressed support for their widespread public use as one measure among many. But Fauci's reversal, which came at a time of political polarization, contributed to the evolution of masks from a basic, precautionary mitigation strategy to a badge of political allegiance. President Donald Trump was reluctant to wear a mask and justified his behavior by referring to Fauci's comments from the 60 Minutes interview. The controversy continued into the presidential debates, with Trump mocking Joe Biden for donning the ?biggest mask? he'd ever seen.
One thing is beyond a doubt, however: One of those two statements did not accurately reflect the evidence as Fauci saw it. Such high-profile mixed messages in a short time frame, without substantive new data to justify the change, generated confusion and a backlash from politicians, other experts, and the general public.
When experts or agencies deliver information to the public that they consider possibly or definitively false to further a larger, often well-meaning agenda, they are telling what is called a noble lie. Although the teller's intentions may be pure?for example, a feeling of urgency that behavioral change is needed among the lay public?the consequences can undermine not only those intentions but also public trust in experts and science. During the first year of COVID-19, leaders were faced with an unknown disease amid a politically sensitive election in the era of social media, and the preconditions for noble lies became especially fertile. Not surprisingly, we witnessed several examples. More than anything, these examples illustrate the destructive potential of such lies.
Later in 2020, Fauci participated in a second noble lie. In December, he explained in a phone interview with then?New York Times reporter Donald McNeil that he had been moving the target estimate for herd immunity based in part on emerging studies. But he also said:
When polls said only about half of all Americans would take a vaccine, I was saying herd immunity would take 70 to 75 percent. Then, when newer surveys said 60 percent or more would take it, I thought, ?I can nudge this up a bit,? so I went to 80, 85.
In his own words, he ?nudged? his target range for herd immunity to promote vaccine uptake. Even though his comments were made to influence public actions to get more people vaccinated (a noble effort), the central dilemma remains: Do we want public health officials to report facts and uncertainties transparently? Or do we want them to shape information, via nudges, to influence the public to take specific actions? The former fosters an open and honest dialogue with the public to facilitate democratic policymaking. The second subverts the very idea of a democracy and implies that those who set the rules or shape the media narrative are justified in depriving the public of information that they may consider or value differently.
Aside from whether it's right to tell noble lies in the service of eliciting socially beneficial behavior, there is also the question of efficacy. Experts on infectious diseases are not necessarily experts on social behavior. Even if we accept Fauci's claim that he downplayed the importance of wearing masks because he didn't want to unleash a run on masks, we might wonder how he knew that his noble lie would be more effective than simply being honest and explaining to people why it was important to assure an adequate supply of masks for medical workers.
With the arrival of vaccines in early 2021, the potential for such deliberately misleading messages to backfire became more obvious. Key opinion leaders, agencies, and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention all articulated some version of ?once you are vaccinated, nothing changes,? implying that experts did not know if it was safe to relax precautions and restrictions, such as mask wearing or social distancing, after immunization. But the stance was immediately called into question by others, including epidemiologists, who pointed to the high efficacy of the vaccines and suggested that some, but not all, social distancing measures could be relaxed in certain circumstances. Ultimately, the ?no change? message, which may have been intended to discourage mass gatherings or out of a fear that unvaccinated people would lie about their vaccination status, may itself have been harmful: Surveys find that interest in vaccination increases if people are told that it means they can stop masking.
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A 2008 study found that Wikipedians were less agreeable, , and conscientious than others, although a later commentary pointed out serious flaws, including that the data showed higher ness and that the differences with the control group and the s were small. According to a 2009 study, t is "evidence of grog resistance from the Wikipedia community to new content". Diversity Several studies have shown that most of the Wikipedia contributors are male. Notably, the results of a Wikimedia Foundation survey in 2008 showed that 13 percent of Wikipedia editors were female. Because of this, universities throughout the United States tried to encourage females to become Wikipedia contributors. Similarly, many of these universities, including Yale and Brown, gave college to students who create or edit an article relating to women in science or technology. Andrew Lih, a professor and scientist, wrote in The New York Times that the reason he thought the number of male contributors outnumbered the number of females so greatly was because identifying as a woman may expose oneself to "ugly, intimidating behavior". Data has shown that Africans are underrepresented among Wikipedia editors. Language editions Main article: List of Wikipedias T are currently 319 language editions of Wikipedia (also ed language versions, or simply Wikipedias). As of February 2021, the six largest, in of article count, are the English, Cebuano, Swedish, German, French, and Dutch Wikipedias. The second and third largest Wikipedias owe their position to the article-creating bot Lsjbot, which as of 2013 h created about half the articles in the Swedish Wikipedia, and most of the articles in the Cebuano and Waray Wikipedias. The latter are both languages of the Philippines. In dition to the top six, twelve other Wikipedias have more than a articles each (Russian, Italian, Spanish, Polish, Waray, Vietnamese, Japanese, Egyptian Arabic, Chinese, Arabic, Ukrainian and Portuguese), seven more have over 500,000 articles (Persian, Catalan, Serbian, Indonesian, Norwegian, Korean and Finnish), 44 more have over 100,000, and 82 more have over 10,000. The largest, the English Wikipedia, has over 6.2 articles. As of January 2021, the English Wikipedia receives 48% of Wikipedia's cumulative traffic, with the remaining split among the other languages. The top 10 editions represent approximately 85% of the total traffic. |